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Is there still a "special relationship" between Britain and the United States? American concerns

From a geopolitical point of view, it is generally the foreign policy of Great Britain as aligned with the interests and policy options the United States. In fact, the United States and England have developed since the twentieth century, a specific relationship, not only based on mutual interests or a "realpolitik", but also on shared beliefs, common values. The joint commitment of American and British power in the international arena was checked several times, including quite recently with the alliance between President Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair. But now, more and more conservative U.S. analysts are concerned about the deterioration of this "special relationship .

is less a convergence of interests that a genuine Anglo-American political theory that is causing the extremely close alliance between the U.S. and Great Britain. The longevity of this relationship so exclusive is based on the idea that in history, only the English and American revolutions had enabled the effective transition to democracy and political freedom, on the contrary example of the French Revolution and Chinese revolution, which had only perpetuate or revive dictatorships. In the field of political thought, Americans and British were developing theories of constitutional law that seemed well ahead of the institutional practices of their contemporaries. Thus was born the idea that the two English-speaking peoples, constituting a "Anglo-Saxon" had a specific responsibility: to promote an international order based companies, on liberalism, free trade, rule of law and democracy.
The course of the Second World War was provided to support the vision of the special relationship the United States and Great Britain being the last Western countries to resist the Nazi wave in 1940-1942. The war against Hitler marked an important step in building a close alliance between the two powers past custodians of democratic ideology and human rights.

Such a view naturally implies almost military cooperation, based on the almost unconditional support for Britain to U.S. military policies. That is why the British played a significant role in the establishment of NATO. In military contributions, financial and political Organization, Great Britain was the major player behind the U.S., like them members of the Security Council of the United Nations. The scientific and technical exchanges, particularly in the nuclear sphere, allowed the U.S. to lift Great Britain to the status of nuclear power in the post-war period. Nuclear weapons were designed, developed and controlled jointly in the framework of treaties such as the Atomic Energy Defense Agreement of 1958, a document which highlights the unprecedented level of integration in the nuclear field between two sovereign states. In the field of intelligence, the Anglo-American cooperation was also widely developed thanks to the Cold War, playing a unique complementarity between MI6 and the CIA, the two intelligence agencies more developed, the most effective - and The most controversial - Powers West.

Was well built with European public opinion the image of Britain as a "geopolitical American enclave," a European power inevitably oriented America and not to the mainland, intrinsically Atlanticist. This description is not far from reality, but reality is more complex.

The agreement on the major differences was not evacuated, and the story of " special relationship" has been characterized tension, whether in 1956 when the Americans are frontally opposed to the British during the Suez crisis, or even during the '80s, when the honeymoon between Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher with the Falklands War that the U.S. administration does not digested. Differences that do not question the logic whose longevity still seemed indisputable in the early 2000s.
But what worries some American analysts, these are some basic trends, developments inevitable. If it is largely "Atlanticist", near the United States in its political and economic culture, Great Britain did has been no less sensitive to the dynamics of European integration, so much so that it is increasingly torn between two centers of attraction.

UK crossed a milestone with its accession to the European Economic Community in 1973, a decision that marked the end of the Anglo-Saxon exclusivity on international free trade. In other words, the logic of integration is no longer exclusively Atlanticist, but continental. Since the British were all European and all institutional advancements, but in an ambivalent position which has reflected many times on the European budget issues, and the refusal to enter the eurozone.
The Bush-Blair period between 2001 and 2007 was emblematic of the ambivalent position between European integration and geopolitical alignment options on the U.S. administration. The joint commitment in Afghanistan and especially Iraq, a bilateral initiative that circumventing international law and the UN, but also from Tony Blair, the choice to stand out from the French, Germans and Russians, showed although the British political class still looking to America.
But many U.S. analysts, generally related to the Republican Party or supporters of the neoconservative think tanks of the Bush years, expressed concern about the reaction of British public opinion to Blair's experience in foreign policy. The sinking of the coalition in Iraq has greatly tarnished the image and balance of the decade, Tony Blair, however, begun under the endorsements aspects of modernity in 1997. His ouster of the head of the Labour Party and its exit from 10 Downing Street in 2007 is largely related to the disastrous Iraq adventure, his electoral base does not forgiving him his "servility" to George W. Bush. The failure Iraq would, according to these academics, undermined the very idea of close military cooperation between the two powers.

They believe that the successor to Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, sought to rectify the situation from 2007 to 2009, pushing away his country's cooperation with the European Union, stressing his concern for multilateralism, appointing ministers like Douglas Alexander and Mark Malloch Brown, known for their dislike of U.S. unilateralism, or by placing David Miliband Minister of Foreign Affairs, which refuted the very term "special relationship" between Britain and the United States.

Academics American conservatives also worry about the rise of liberal Democrats, very Europhile, during the 2010 elections. With more than 23% of the vote, the centrist party could form a coalition government with the conservative leader David Cameron and Nick Clegg became Deputy Prime Minister. The positioning of the Euro-skeptic David Cameron does more reassuring because nothing dramatic happened since coming to 10 Downing Street in May.